{"id":44535,"date":"2018-12-20T12:16:14","date_gmt":"2018-12-20T18:16:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/praytellblog.com\/?p=44535"},"modified":"2018-12-24T11:33:49","modified_gmt":"2018-12-24T17:33:49","slug":"a-new-orthodox-church-of-ukraine-faq","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/praytellblog.com\/index.php\/2018\/12\/20\/a-new-orthodox-church-of-ukraine-faq\/","title":{"rendered":"A New Orthodox Church of Ukraine: FAQ"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"
St. Michael’s Monastery in Kyiv<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

On December 15, a unification council was held at St. Sophia\nCathedral in Kyiv, Ukraine. Three Orthodox Churches existed in Ukraine until\nthen: the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC), the Kyivan\nPatriarchate (KP), and the Moscow Patriarchate (MP). The council united the\nUAOC, KP, and two bishops of the MP to form a new Church: the Orthodox Church\nof Ukraine (OCU). The vast majority of the bishops of the MP remain under Moscow\u2019s\njurisdiction. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The council and OCU are significant because the\nestablishment of this Church occurred under the patronage of the Patriarchate\nof Constantinople, or Ecumenical Patriarchate (EP). Most of the Orthodox\nChurches in the world regard the EP as either the \u201cfirst among equals,\u201d or the \u201cfirst\nwithout equals\u201d in terms of the way the Churches relate to one another.\nOrthodoxy rejects the primacy of one apostolic see over all in a universal\njurisdiction, which is the primary point of separation between the Orthodox\nChurches and Rome. But Orthodox themselves disagree on how primacy is to be\nexercised within Orthodoxy. For example, some Churches believe that the EP\nalone has the authority to grant autocephaly (ecclesial independence) to local\nChurches, whereas the MP holds that the \u201cmother Church\u201d alone has the power to\ngrant autocephaly. Similar disagreements are proving problematic when it comes\nto hearing appeals on canonical sanctions imposed on bishops and other clergy. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

These, then, are the issues proving problematic in terms of\nthe Church in Ukraine. The EP used its prerogative of primacy to annul\ncanonical sanctions that had been imposed on the leaders of the former UAOC and\nKP by the MP, and the MP dismisses the EP\u2019s authority to exercise primacy in\nthis way. This is not a minor issue: the MP is angry, and they severed\nEucharistic Communion with the EP, a decision that is having a ripple effect\nthroughout the Orthodox Churches in the world. Undeterred, the EP followed\nthrough on the creation of the OCU, and will complete this process on January 6\nwhen they issue a Tomos of autocephaly that enters the OCU as a full-fledged\nand canonical Orthodox Church. (A Tomos is literally a scroll or a book; think\nof a tomos as an official canonical certificate of autocephaly). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the rest of this post, I will address some frequently\nasked questions about this situation, including its implications for Catholic\nand Protestant Christians. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why does the OCU want and need autocephaly?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The movement for autocephaly in Ukraine began in 1917 when the Tsarist regime collapsed. For Orthodox Ukrainians, autocephaly would permit them to restore native traditions and pray in the vernacular, liturgical and ecclesial customs that had been muted on account of a program of Russification imposed on Ukraine that began to take concrete shape in the mid-18th<\/sup> century. After Ukraine became independent in 1991, proponents of autocephaly wanted to follow the example of nation-states that emerged from the collapse of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires. The EP had granted the Churches of some of those nation-states autocephaly in the 19th<\/sup> and 20th<\/sup> centuries. For the OCU, autocephaly would allow the Ukrainian Church to be its best self; there was no real need for dependence on the MP. After the events of the Maidan, Crimea, and Donbas in 2013-14, the fervor of autocephaly increased significantly. In short, Ukrainian proponents of autocephaly asserted that Russians are exploiting them; they viewed subordination to the Russian Church as a form of post-Soviet imperial colonization that contributed to the exploitation of Ukrainians through the Church. Autocephaly would accomplish two things: first, it would be the organic completion of the canonical process of ecclesial self-governance valued by Orthodoxy. Second, it would constitute a necessary act of social justice. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Given conditions in Ukraine, why is this decision on autocephaly so controversial?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

From the very beginning, a critical mass of Orthodox\nUkrainians did not want autocephaly and were content to remain a part of the\nMoscow Patriarchate. From 1990 to 2018, the name of the MP in Ukraine was \u201cUkrainian\nOrthodox Church.\u201d Most of the bishops, clergy, and faithful of this Church of\nthis Church are citizens of Ukraine. The MP holds a majority of parishes,\nclergy, and monasteries in Ukraine; recent sociological studies suggest that\nthe OCU has a majority of the faithful. The MP has a significant presence in\nUkraine; their refusal to request autocephaly puts them at odds with the OCU. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Before the Maidan, the MP supported canonical autocephaly\nfrom 1992 to 1996 when it withdrew its commitment to obtaining canonical\nautocephaly. The leaders of the MP claim that they are autonomous and do not need\nautocephaly, and dismiss autocephaly as a nationalistic political project. The\nMP had deposed and anathematized the public leader of the autocephalist\nmovement in Ukraine, Patriarch Filaret, and their rejection of his canonical\nlegitimacy became a major stumbling block to reconciliation. After the Maidan,\nhowever, many faithful of the MP became angry when their leaders refused to\npublicly support Ukraine in the war against Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Is Ukrainian autocephaly a political project, and is this a conspiracy to persecute the MP in Ukraine?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The autocephalous movement began as a Church movement in\n1917. Ukrainian presidents (except Yanukovych) have supported autocephaly since\n1991. Victor Yushchenko attempted to push autocephaly through in 2008, but the process\nstalled. President Petro Poroshenko was able to push the process through, but\nhe was not the initiator of autocephaly \u2013 such assertions are historically\nfalse.    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The MP in Ukraine is claiming that the Ukrainian government\nis persecuting them. On December 20, the Ukrainian Parliament passed a law\nrequiring the MP in Ukraine to change its name to the Russian Orthodox Church.\nParliament is also considering another proposal that would allow individual\nparishes to determine their own religious affiliation without obtaining\npermission from their eparchy or bishop. The MP claims that they are the target\nof a discrimination campaign wherein the government will coerce their parishes\ninto joining the OCU. The Ukrainian government claims that Russia is using the\nChurch to distribute anti-Ukrainian propaganda throughout Ukraine. The situation\nrequires careful third-party monitoring, and this has proven very difficult\ngiven the polemics infused in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The\nprimary difficulty for people outside of Ukraine is verifying accusations that\nthe state is coercing parishes that want to remain in the MP to join the OCU.\nUkraine has experience in changing parish affiliation, beginning with the\nlegalization of the Ukrainian Greco Catholic Church at the end of the Soviet\nperiod, and continuing with the migration of parishes form the MP to the KP\nfrom 1992-2018. There have also been accusations of violations of religious\nfreedom committed by Russia and Russian sympathizers in Crimea and Donbas.\nNeedless to say, the situation warrants observation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why did the EP decide to grant autocephaly to Ukraine now? Why didn\u2019t they consult the MP in Ukraine?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The EP has responded publicly to these questions. They claim that a joint commission of the MP and EP worked together for a few years in an attempt to resolve the Ukrainian schism, but that the MP withdrew from the consultation. From the EP\u2019s perspective, it was impossible to work directly with the leaders of the MP in Ukraine because on many occasions, Moscow would simply speak on their behalf. The tendency for MP leaders in Moscow to represent the MP in Ukraine in intra-Orthodox dialogue created some confusion, since the MP claims that the MP in Ukraine is completely independent. For example, the MP\u2019s leaders in Ukraine sent a delegation to Istanbul to discuss the issue with the EP, but Metropolitan Onufry, the leader of the MP in Ukraine, was absent from the meeting. Furthermore, Patriarch Kirill himself intervened on August 31 when he traveled to Istanbul with Metropolitan Hilarion Alfeyev. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The EP concluded that Moscow had no interest in resolving\nthe schism, since 26 years had elapsed since the most recent schism in Ukraine.\nThe EP claims that their response is pastoral: since state officials represent\nthe people, the EP attempted to heal the schism in response to requests for\nautocephaly from the Ukrainian state. The EP moved to heal the schism by\nrestoring the schismatics to communion with the Church and then organizing a\nunification council to which all were invited. The EP presented themselves as\nfulfilling the Gospel initiative to leave the 99 in search of the one who is\nlost. Moscow claims that the EP had no jurisdiction to act in this manner since\nUkraine remained under Moscow\u2019s jurisdiction. The MP leaders in Ukraine claimed\nthat the specific agenda of autocephaly was imposed upon them: most of their\nbishops returned the letters inviting them to the unification council unopened\nto Istanbul. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is one of the most difficult intra-Orthodox issues to\nunderstand because of the opposing stories presented by each party. Two things\nare clear: the inconsistent exercise of independence in conducting their own\naffairs complicated the activity of the MP in Ukraine in carrying out negotiations\nwith the EP since Moscow frequently intervened for them. The standoff between\nthe EP and MP on who has jurisdiction in Ukraine intensified when the EP\nasserted themselves. And finally, the duration of the schism was one factor\n(but not the only one) inspiring the EP to act swiftly and decisively. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

What are the implications for non-Orthodox Christians? Why should they care?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ukraine is a multi-religious country, with large populations\nof Greek Catholics, Roman Catholics, Protestants, Jews, and Muslims. Non-Orthodox\nChristians and people of other faiths need to be aware of crises afflicting the\nmajority Orthodox population in Ukraine. The addition of a new autocephalous\nChurch to the Orthodox world is also likely to affect alliances within\nOrthodoxy: the OCU is sure to support the EP in its endeavors within Orthodoxy\nand in the public sphere. Furthermore, the MP has historically adversarial\nrelationships with the large Greek Catholic Church in Ukraine, whereas the\nautocephalists have been open to dialogue. The establishment of the OCU is an opportunity\nfor ecumenical progress in Ukraine. Here is a suggestion: perhaps a committee\nof non-Orthodox volunteers could be created to monitor the process by which\nparishes vote to either change affiliation (move from the MP to OCU) or remain\nin their current affiliation (the MP). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Most importantly, the establishment of the OCU and the\nOrthodox conflict in Ukraine is a wound in the body of Christ. This is an\nopportunity for Christians to learn about Orthodox struggles in the post-Soviet\nperiod, and the impact of geopolitical conflict on the Church. Most of all,\nmany faithful people who simply want to worship God are being caught up in this\naffair. They are worthy of the prayers of all Christians who hear the urgency\nin Christ\u2019s prayer to the Father, \u201cthat they would be one.\u201d        <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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