Today we add a new journal to this series, and catch up by posting on the first issue (1.1, February 2015) of the Yale Journal of Music & Religion<\/a>, <\/em>an open-access (i.e. free) online journal. Robin Leaver describes the scope of the journal in the opening Editorial<\/a>.<\/p>\n Susan Boynton: Restoration or Invention? Archbishop Cisneros and the Mozarabic Rite in Toledo<\/a><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n As archbishop of Toledo from 1495 to 1517, Francisco Xim\u00e9nez de Cisneros carried out a multifaceted campaign of support for the Mozarabic rite, which had been preserved in the Middle Ages by Christians living in Toledo under Muslim rule. Although the Roman rite was introduced into the cathedral in 1086, the Toledan Mozarabs had continued to follow their ancient liturgy in their parishes. By the end of the Middle Ages, however, the rite was rarely celebrated. Fearing that it might become obsolete, in 1501 Cisneros endowed a chapel in his cathedral for the Mozarabic rite and established a clergy of thirteen chaplains to celebrate the Mass and Office regularly. Furthermore, he oversaw a committee that assisted a canon of the cathedral, Alfonso Ortiz, in preparing editions of the Mozarabic missal and breviary that were published in 1500 and 1502, respectively. Despite the contemporary descriptions of these actions as a restoration of a partly lapsed practice, the editions produced under Cisneros\u2019s patronage and the choirbooks he had created for the chapel were as much a reinvention of the rite as a renewal of it. The resulting rite, which is more accurately termed \u201cneo-Mozarabic,\u201d gradually became an important component of Spanish national identity, and in this sense can be considered an instance of the \u201cinvention of tradition\u201d as described by Hobsbawm and Ranger.<\/p>\n This article focuses on the reception history of Cisneros\u2019s liturgical project in the early modern period, analyzing descriptions of the creation of the neo-Mozarabic rite. The earliest narrative sources are the prefaces to the editions of the Mozarabic missal and breviary, with their nearly identical colophons. Other sources used here include the early sixteenth-century account by Juan de Vallejo, the midcentury biography of Cisneros by G\u00f3mez de Castro, the early seventeenth-century biography by Eugenio de Robles, and other writings from the seventeenth and eighteenth century. What began as a philological project in the spirit of the humanist improvement of corrupted texts soon took on other associations. In 1509, a year after the use of the Mozarabic rite in the cathedral was approved by Pope Julius II, Cisneros led the conquest of Oran, which was part of a new crusade to North Africa to convert Muslims as an extension of the idea of Christian reconquest encouraged by the Catholic monarchs. It remains open to question whether the Cisneros \u201crestoration\u201d of the rite was inherently nationalist in inspiration, but it is certain that he commissioned a representation of the conquest of Oran for the ceiling decoration of the Mozarabic Chapel, and the juxtaposition was noted by every writer in the early modern period. By the eighteenth century, the medieval Mozarabic liturgy had become a national symbol. When the Archbishop of Mexico (and future archbishop of Toledo), Francisco Antonio Lorenzana (1722\u20131804), published an edition of Mozarabic mass for Saint James in Puebla (1770), he showed himself to be a true follower of Cisneros, who had effectively reinvented the rite and ensured its future status.<\/p>\n Jeffrey W. Cupchik: Buddhism As Performing Art: Visualizing Music in the Tibetan Sacred Ritual Music Liturgies<\/a><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n The eleventh-century Tibetan female ascetic, Machik Labdr\u00f6n (1055-1153), developed a Vajray\u0101na (Tantric) Buddhist meditation method called\u00a0Ch\u00f6d<\/em>\u00a0(Tib. gCod<\/em>, Eng. \u201cto cut\u201d) and associated ritual practices as a means of eliminating \u201cself-grasping,\u201d which is defined as the mistaken instinct of regarding one\u2019s \u201cself\u201d and all phenomena as intrinsically, or independently, existent. Her musical-meditation method became renowned across Central Asia during her lifetime, and\u00a0Ch\u00f6d <\/em>ritual practices and liturgies have been transmitted from teacher to disciple in unbroken lineages until today. The ritual is now well known globally, with Tibetan Lamas, nuns, and empowered exponents teaching widely, across a transnational Diaspora, to Tibetan Buddhists engaging in the practice.<\/p>\n The\u00a0Ch\u00f6d<\/em>\u00a0meditation practice requires operationalizing the heightened emotions roused from the experience of fear in order to elicit the seemingly self-existent \u201cI,\u201d and \u201ccut\u201d (gCod<\/em>) the instinctual grasping to the \u201cself.\u201d The ritual that effects this transformation is liturgically based upon song-poetry drawn from the Tibetan\u00a0mgur<\/em>\u00a0tradition, which is itself drawn from the Indian doh\u0101<\/em>\u00a0tradition of meditative poetry. The ritualized meditation experience is inhabited musically by several\u00a0mgur-<\/em>styled song-poem melodies that are performed in accordance with a liturgy over an underlying and potentially trance-inducing, rhythmic theme.<\/p>\n In this paper, I show what I have found to be correspondences between the \u201cinternal\u201d performance of meditative visualizations and the \u201cexternal\u201d performance of the liturgical song-poetry and musical gestures within the\u00a0Ch\u00f6d <\/em>rituals. Indeed, the musical parameters themselves carry meanings that not only enhance or reinforce the effect of the liturgical song-poetry but also directly assist in the meditative journey and spiritual catharsis of the\u00a0Ch\u00f6d <\/em>practitioner. When a melody has been composed to symbolically represent a visualized scene in a subritual section of this religious rite, it illustrates an instance of what I call, \u201csonic iconography\u201d\u2014at once, a melody serves to embody a meditative complement to the sung text, enliven the psychophysical drama, and provide an atmosphere, or mood, akin to an Indian\u00a0rasa<\/em>. According to the Tibetan oral tradition, the melody composed by Machik Labdr\u00f6n for the subritual section at the height of the dramaturgical narrative of one\u00a0Ch\u00f6d <\/em>liturgy is designed to conjure an image depicting the \u201csound of vultures\u2019 wings as they arrive at a sky burial.\u201d By exploring the purposeful use of melody–as an aid in meditative visualization–at this climactic moment in a\u00a0Ch\u00f6d<\/em>\u00a0ritual, it provides a unique window into the interwoven aspects of music and religion in this important Himalayan tradition.<\/p>\n Robin A. Leaver: <\/strong>More Than Simple Psalm-Singing in English: Sacred Music in Early Colonial America<\/em><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n Histories of American sacred music frequently begin with the pilgrims\u2019 arrival in Plymouth, bringing with them their Ainsworth\u2019s psalter, published in Amsterdam. In subsequent decades other English-speaking colonists brought with them copies of the Sternhold and Hopkins psalter published in London. But both these psalters were increasingly deemed unsatisfactory for English-speaking colonial life, so the attempt was made to create a new American psalter, the so-called Bay Psalm Book published in Cambridge, Mass., in 1640, which in later editions morphed into what was called the New England Psalm Book. Thus English colonialism and its distinctive New England psalmody is frequently the focus of attention. But Central and North America had other colonies, some of which had been settled in the century before the English colonists arrived, colonies in which sacred music was more diverse and more developed and associated with different European languages: New Spain, New France (in the north and Huguenots in Florida), New Netherland, and New Sweden. The sacred music of these colonists is explored in this article, showing that singing the substance of religion and life was a common experience in all the these pioneer colonies, whether it was expressed in Latin, Spanish, French, Dutch, Swedish, as well as English. Music was the vehicle of faith, personal and public, that was far more diverse and rich than the simple English psalm-singing that is often portrayed as the essence and substance of early American colonial religious music.<\/p>\n